Home

生活广角

GOP Not Shying Away From Abortion_我的网站

hold

一 |     

Republican presidential candidates have been one-upping each other on abortion limits and bans, with participants in this week's GOP primary debate vowing to sign a federal ban on the procedure.
The Democrats' response has been to bury Republicans with their own words, including with a national ad the Biden-Harris campaign released Friday featuring clips of former President Donald Trump, Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis and Sen. Tim Scott of South Carolina pledging to stop abortion – by punishing women who have one, in Trump's case.
Since the 2022 Supreme Court decision taking away guaranteed abortion rights, both parties have elevated the issue in their campaigns. And both think it will be a winner for them in 2024.
"These guys showed us this week they don’t have a clue about the power of women," President Joe Biden said on social media, releasing his and Vice President Kamala Harris' new ad. "They are about to find out."
The campaign is spending $25 million to run the ad online and in the battleground states of Arizona, Georgia, Michigan, Nevada, North Carolina, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin.
Former Vice President Mike Pence, meanwhile, said during Wednesday night's debate in Milwaukee that he is a "champion for life" who would sign a ban on abortion after 15 weeks. When Nikki Haley, a former U.S. ambassador who also opposes abortion, countered that the votes aren't there in the Senate to overcome a filibuster, Pence shot back, saying, "Consensus is the opposite of leadership."
DeSantis, meanwhile, bragged about his signing of a six-week abortion ban in Florida, while Scott said he would back the 15-week ban. In April, Scott said in an interview with NBC News that he would sign "the most conservative, pro-life” legislation into law."
That's an approach that plays very well with the GOP primary electorate, which largely opposes abortion. A recent CBS/YouGov poll found that 68% of Republican voters think abortion should be illegal in all or most cases.
And Republicans – like Democrats – aren't shying away from the issue.
“I was very pleased to see them talk about abortion,” RNC Chairwoman Ronna McDaniel told Fox News the morning after the debate. “Democrats used that in 2022. ... If our candidates aren’t able to fend a response and put out a response, we’re not going to win. They’re going to do it again in 2024. And I thought all of them did a really good job on that.”
But since the June 2022 ruling Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization, the pro-abortion rights side has become newly energized. While anti-abortion forces have had success in the courts (the South Carolina state Supreme Court this week upheld a near-total ban on abortion), abortion foes have been losing consistently when the matter is put directly before voters – a troubling trend for anti-abortion forces ahead of what is expected to be a highly competitive 2024 election.
Since Dobbs, voters in California, Michigan and Vermont approved referendums to enshrine abortion rights in the state constitutions, unsurprising for three states where Democrats are in control. But in three red states – Kansas, Kentucky and Montana – measures to reject guaranteed abortion rights were defeated.
Further, Ohio voters overwhelmingly this month rejected a measure that would require a supermajority of 60% to pass a state constitutional amendment. That means abortion rights advocates will have a much easier time winning a referendum on the ballot this fall to ensure abortion rights. Polling shows strong support for that measure.
More problematic for Republicans going forward – at least from an electoral perspective – is a slate of referendums proposed for 2024 state ballots. In Arizona, Florida, Maryland, Missouri, New York and South Dakota, advocates are pushing for votes to protect reproductive rights. Abortion foes are trying to get referendums on the ballot in Iowa, Nebraska and Pennsylvania to prohibit abortion or to state clearly that the state constitution does not guarantee the right to abortion.
The fate of those ballot initiatives (should activists indeed get the signatures required to get them on the ballot) may be secondary to another factor: voter turnout.
In Arizona, a state Biden won by a razor-thin 10,457 votes, the referendum could spur pro-abortion rights voters to go to the polls – perhaps providing a critical difference for an incumbent president who, polling indicates, does not inspire excitement among Democrats. The same may well be true in Pennsylvania, a state Biden won by 81,660 votes – about 0.2% of the voting electorate.
"I think what we’ve seen here is across partisan lines, in red, blue and purple states, voters have made themselves clear – they want to protect reproductive freedom," says Ally Boguhn, spokesperson for NARAL Pro-Choice America. "I do think we're going to continue to see this as something that will drive them to the polls."
Republicans argue that forging ahead with abortion bans, taking advantage of the free-for-all created by the Dobbs ruling, will motivate their voters as well.
Cindy Dahlgren, a spokesperson for the Center for Arizona Policy, which opposes the referendum enshrining abortion rights, says there will be "plenty of reasons turnout will be high in 2024," including inflation and the fact that it is a presidential year.
The proposed Arizona referendum, she says, goes too far.
"It would make regulating abortion virtually impossible and that is not where Arizonans are on abortion and why abortion law should be set by lawmakers who can make changes to the law as needed," Dahlgren says.
But polling indicates that Democrats have an edge on motivating their voters around the abortion issue.
A Kaiser Family Foundation survey in May found that 30% of voters will cast a ballot only for a candidate who agrees with them on abortion. Broken down, that includes 46% of Democrats, 23% of independents, and 20% of Republicans, suggesting Democrats are more likely to make abortion rights a litmus test issue.
Further, Democrats have an edge among self-described independents in the poll, with 36% of independents saying Democrats more closely represented their views on abortion and 13% saying Republicans' views on the issue were closer to their own.
Mary Owens, communications director for SBA Pro-Life America, says the anti-abortion movement needs to learn the lessons from Ohio to win next year.
"So far, in all of the state battles, our side has failed to take this approach, allowing the left and pro-abortion industry and allies to define the effort," Owens says. "We must define the issues at stake early and often with a simple message."
。    凝聚职工智慧 以AI赋能金融杭州日报讯 当人工智能遇上金融,会擦出怎样的火花?在银行,AI如何完成信贷审核;在投资机构,大模型如何快速扫描海量信息、识别风险信号;在合规审查中,智能系统怎样精准发现条款漏洞……AI正在重塑金融行业的多个环节。在这股浪潮之下,杭州的金融职工们主动拥抱AI,用研究和创新回答了一个问题:AI究竟如何为金融赋能?8月11日,答案在2026年杭州市职工AI+金融行业研究大赛决赛现场集中呈现。

二 | 这场由杭州市总工会、市委金融办、团市委、市金融投资集团联合主办,市金融工会、市金融投资集团工会和团工委承办的赛事,会聚了15支从初赛脱颖而出的优秀团队。

三 | 他们围绕人工智能与金融深度融合的命题展开对决,以金融创新智慧赋能杭州人工智能创新发展第一城建设。作为今年杭州市职工职业技能竞赛十大重点赛项目之一,大赛紧扣工会“凝聚职工、赋能产业、激发创新”的核心导向,首次以AI+金融行业研究为主题打造研究型竞赛标杆,聚焦大模型、具身智能、类脑智能等人工智能前沿分支与金融工作的深度融合,鼓励金融从业者围绕行业痛点与产业需求开展研究探索。决赛现场,精彩纷呈。15个团队亮出从智能合规审查、银行智能审贷、科创金融情报引擎到国企AI治理、产业链智能风控、智能投研体系等多领域的创新成果,充分展现了杭州金融职工在AI应用领域的深厚积淀与创新活力。例如,杭州市金融投资集团的朱潇琍以《国资风控的“第二双眼睛”:大模型辅助交叉验证的机理与落地》为题,聚焦投前评审“交叉验证”核心环节,提出了“机器初筛+人工深挖”人机协同工作机制,将大模型引入投前交叉验证比喻为风控人员装上了一双永不疲惫的“第二双眼睛”,让机器“找矛盾”,让人工“解矛盾”,将交叉验证升级为标准流水线,为国有金融投资机构提供轻量化、可复制的风控数字化转型样本。现场,评委们从陈述表达、内容解读、提问应答、时间把控四个维度对选手进行综合考评,并对比赛形式和参赛作品给予了高度评价。根据赛事规则,前三名获奖个人或团队组长将由市总工会审核条件并认定为“杭州市职工经济技术创新能手”。“此次大赛不仅体现了杭州职工创新的成果,还将研究型竞赛和路演形式引入职工技能大赛,是杭州工会工作的首次尝试,目的是打破传统技能竞赛的边界,为广大职工搭建一个展示专业深度、激发创新思维的高水平平台。”杭州市总工会相关负责人表示,“传承百年工运精神,本次竞赛也是庆祝杭州工会成立100周年的重要活动之一。以AI赋能金融,以金融助力产业,希望通过竞赛引领广大职工深耕行业研究、锤炼专业本领,为杭州人工智能创新发展第一城建设与‘296X’先进制造业集群培育注入职工创新动能。

Current article:http://z8v34u.suiyangguiduanzudoushaopao.buzz/news/20260826_663.html

Published on:14:46:10


Copyright 生活广角 2020-2099 About us | recruitment information | contact us | Site map | Friendly links | Feedback | Site map